In my last blog, I spoke about the demographics of youth, how their sheer volumes are a major factor in creating a socio-political tsunami, and how the level of literacy and education may contribute to peaceful or violent regime change. Today we’ll look at other factors:
- Inequalities in income distribution
- A culture of impunity
- A culture of corruption & complicity by other stakeholders in society
- Entrenched regimes
Inequalities in Income Distribution
In Kenya, the country’s top 10% households control 42% of the total income while the bottom 10% control less than 1%. With a gini coefficient of 0.57 in 1999 (which has gotten worse), Kenya ranks among the top ten most unequal countries in the world and the fifth in Africa. The top three most unequal countries are from Africa; two of which have been involved in social and political conflicts. Yet in America, the top 10% control 70% of the wealth while the bottom 50% control just 2% of the wealth.
Arguably America’s revolution was in the voting booth in last election. In another blog series, I’m going to look at the problems in America, and what we as America could possibly learn from the “developing world.” America’s outlook is not rosy, and Africa’s is not bleak. Things are much more complicated than that.
But in focusing at the moment on Kenya, our inequality here is directly linked to corruption and impunity. And it is true, the donor community has some significant responsibility in creating this monster of consuming government coffers, but that is a blog for another day.
Above: President Kibaki smiling with the knowledge that he’s untouchable despite his clear links to corruption that many says is worse than it was under Moi’s regime
Culture of Impunity & Complicity
On cover of one of Kenya’s newspapers last week (the Star, 17 March 2011) was yet another article about corruption, another blip in the public circus of impunity. Top names feature recurrently alongside facts about billions of shillings stolen. Everyone knows. But no one is prosecuted. The projects getting the most coverage are called the Anglo Leasing Scandal with fake contracts dishing out over KES 56 billion ($700 million USD) to Ministers, Permanent Secretaries and other government officials still in power. For perspective, this was nearly the same amount of money that Kenya receives each year in aid.
Then, this week, a front page article proclaimed how Parliament wants to “earn” 8 months’ salary for having approved the new constitution and stepping out in August 2012 (as per the constitution they voted in) which would mean their “contract” of 5 months would be terminated early. What employer gives over 17 months’ advance notice and still gives out nearly a year of salary? Their compensation package they want to approve for themselves for doing absolutely nothing amounts to $25 million . Oh, and –they’ve spent at least $400,000 trying to rally around the Kenyan government’s attempt to get the accused perpetrators of the post-election violence out of being tried at the ICC – oh but good news, Qadaffi backed it! Now 40 Ministers want to come to the Hague to stand with the accused. There’s no clearer picture they could paint of their own mutual culpability.
Above: VP Kilonzo Musyoka with businessman-turned-pastor Kamlesh Patni (chief architect of the $820 million Goldenberg Affair) who now goes around praising Jesus and keeping the current regime in power
The businessmen are complicit in this corruption, its not just the politicians to blame. Noted the former Anti-Corruption Czar John Githongo of his brother:
[He] had many friends in the business community, and they took a distinctly pragmatic view of Ango Leasing… As long as they were making money, they could tolerate sleaze. ‘They’re telling me: “In whose interest is it for the government to fall? Let the tenpercenters have their 10 per cent, what we care about is stability.” What you have to realize is that Kenya’s don’t really believe in democracy.’ (p. 240 of my version)
The youth were also complicit too, allowing themselves to be bribed into violence. That is, in my opinion, why politicians are blasting American Ambassador Ranneberger for funding nonpartisan youth mobilization in politics. Not that they legitimately think that America is funding something bad, but because the old guard will not then be able to mobilize the youth the way they did in the 2007 election to sow violence in order to reap political and financial gain.
Entrenched regimes
If politicians relinquish power, they relinquish the controls protecting them from prosecution; therefore, they do whatever need be to stay in power. Kibaki rode into power in 2002 on a coalition party ticket with the promise to be a one-term president. How is it that he then turns the country into chaos in the next election in 2007 with a fly-by-night swearing in to office and a major fight to sign an agreement for a coalition government with the same parties he campaigned with in 2002?
I’m convinced the only reason former President Moi conceded power was due to external pressures. Just as the international community (read: Europe, America) are using “frozen assets” as a lever to wedge Gadaffi out of power, I think that is what happened here. Gadaffi said no (so far). I think Moi said yes. Is it right for outside countries to meddle in State leadership? Are external pressures justified to oust entrenched regimes? Or should the youth be in charge, by whatever means necessary? There are so many questions, but I would say that Kenya does have an entrenched regime, like so many Sub-Saharan countries, which makes youth revolution very real.
I think there are several things we must ask ourselves as a country, if we want to avoid upheaval:
- How are we preparing the youth for leadership?
- How are we teaching analytic and listening skills, or compassion for people who are different?
- How are we healing from past violence, resettlement of those who were displaced in 2008.
- How are we putting a stop to the culture of impunity?
- How are we uniting for peace?
- How are we doing these things as individuals? as families? as member or leaders of religious organizations? as participants in NGOs? as staff or leaders in business? as participants in government?
I have great hope for Kenya, and I believe in the youth. Every day I work with youth who inspire and encourage me, and every day I see amazing things Kenya is doing right. You can meet many of them here on this website. But we have a long way to go, and too much at stake to not persevere. Because so much could go so wrong so quickly.
Two journalists were quoted in Michela Wrong’s book about Githongo, in her book Its Our Turn to Eat:
“In future, I will never, ever, write about a country being “stable” when so much of its population lives below the poverty line” commented a Dutch journalist (p. 305)
“It’s bizarre,” pondered one foreign correspondent. “We’ve all been writing for years about ethnic tension, the growing divide between rich and poor, unsustainable pressure on the land. And yet somehow none of us digested the implications of our own articles. (p. 313)
Lets hope that positive change continues in Africa and America and beyond through peaceful means.
In next blog, I’ll take a look at what gender has to do with violence within society and with violence perpetuated by the State.
What do you think? Will Sub-Saharan Africa see peaceful or violent revolution? Do you have positive solutions to the questions above? Please share them!
